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How Language Shapes military spouse institutional actors and History—And the Stories We Tell

  • Writer: Melissa
    Melissa
  • May 5, 2025
  • 6 min read

Updated: 2 hours ago


Or: Why “Military Spouse,” “Camp Follower,” or “Dependent” Isn’t a Job Title You’ll Find on LinkedIn


Words matter. Attitude matters. Tone matters. Syntax matters.

choose your words
Words matter

When people think of military history, they often picture battles, uniforms, vehicles, ranks, technology, or strategy. But what if one of the most potent forces shaping military history isn’t found on the battlefront?


Military spouses have functioned as integral, though often unrecognized, institutional actors in shaping and sustaining American military power across eras. Their labor, mobility, emotional endurance, and community-building have not existed outside the military system — they have operated within it, shaping how the institution endures, adapts, and sustains war.


Words are more than commands shouted at dawn or lines hidden in forgotten field manuals. They flow through kitchen conversations, whispered at hail-and-farewell events, debated in off-the-record meetings, or shared at Bunko nights and military balls. They appear in official policies, spouse handbooks, deployment briefings, and even in the evolving culture of social media.


But these words do more than fill space. They classify. They signal belonging. They define expectations.


They shape how war is understood, how service members see themselves, and how military life and duty are represented. They determine which voices are amplified and which are ignored. In subtle cues and explicit terminology, language builds the legacy of service — and influences how military history is written, remembered, and passed on.


What Is the “Linguistic Turn”?

The linguistic turn refers to a pivotal shift in historical scholarship that emphasizes the centrality of language in shaping human experience. Rather than focusing solely on events or material conditions, this approach highlights how language — through speaking, writing, reading, and listening — actively constructs the social world.


It challenges the idea that language simply reflects reality. Instead, it argues that language helps organize, structure, and give meaning to institutions and lived experience.


Applied to military spouse history, this means asking different kinds of questions:

  • How do institutions use language to define roles and reinforce hierarchies?

  • How do administrative classifications shape inclusion or exclusion?

  • How do everyday words create boundaries between insiders and outsiders?

  • How do informal terms reveal cultural assumptions embedded in the institution?


For military spouses, these questions are not abstract. They are structural.


The Language of War: More Than Orders and Commands

Military language is often thought of as doctrine, acronyms, strategy, and command structure. But it also includes classifications, policies, labels, and cultural shorthand.


Terms like “camp follower,” “dependent,” “military wife,” or “home front” did not simply describe spouses — they classified them.


They signaled who belonged to the military, “we.”

They determined who was administratively recognized.

They defined who was structurally necessary yet politically invisible.


Language helped position spouses within military systems — not outside them.


A classification like “dependent,” for example, was not just cultural shorthand. It shaped access to housing, medical care, movement rights, and institutional recognition. It embedded spouses within military governance structures while simultaneously marking them as secondary. The term carried administrative weight, not just social meaning.


In this way, language has shaped not only identity but institutional status — influencing how spouses were positioned within military systems and how their roles were recorded (or omitted) in military history.


Behind the Front Lines: The Voices of Military Spouses

Now imagine turning that same linguistic turn on the non-uniformed members of the military. Military spouses have been part of military life for generations. They have relocated across continents, sustained households through deployments, built support networks, navigated bureaucracy, and absorbed the emotional strain that accompanies institutional mobility.


This labor has not existed on the sidelines of civilian life. It has operated within military structures — enabling the force to function, endure, and deploy.


Through constant relocations, ceremonies, separations, wartime, and everyday endurance, military spouses created networks and cultural practices that stabilized military communities across eras. They shaped how the institution adapted to war.


Yet the terminology surrounding them often obscured that reality.


For example, not every military spouse is a woman — and that reality remains an ongoing issue today. At military spouse events or briefings, the language often defaults to female pronouns and assumes heterosexual couples. Male spouses are frequently overlooked, and LGBTQ+ spouses have reported experiencing exclusion or discrimination. The words used in official and informal settings continue to signal who is presumed to belong.


This pattern is not new.


In 18th- and 19th-century records, enlisted wives were often referenced — if at all — not as “wives,” but as housekeepers, laundresses, cooks, or nurses. Their marital status and institutional relationship to the army were frequently obscured behind occupational labels. Only through deeper archival excavation does it become clear that these women were enlisted soldiers’ wives operating within military systems.


The terminology did not merely describe their work — it masked their institutional role.


Words like “camp follower” carried assumptions about attachment without authority.“Dependent” suggested passivity.“Military wife” imposed gendered expectations that excluded professional spouses, men, and LGBTQ+ partners.


These labels evolved alongside changing ideas about marriage, mobility, gender, and institutional belonging. They drew lines — between insiders and outsiders, contributors and bystanders, those counted as part of the institution and those treated as adjacent to it.

But spouses were never adjacent.


They were embedded.


Words That Include—and Exclude

Studying how military spouses are discussed in policies, base histories, speeches, handbooks, and even social media reveals how language reflects and reinforces institutional assumptions.


Some questions scholars — and spouses themselves — increasingly ask include:

  • How have military institutions formally classified spouses?

  • How have service members spoken about — or for — their partners?

  • What terms have spouses used for themselves?

  • When were spouses recognized as part of the military system, and when were they administratively minimized?


Even social media posts from deployment seasons or PCS cycles can function as archival evidence — capturing emotional labor, adaptation strategies, and institutional navigation in real time.


Language is powerful — not because it replaces policy, but because it shapes how policy is understood, justified, and remembered.


What Language Reveals

Applying the linguistic turn to military spouse history reveals several important insights:


  • Language constructs institutional boundaries. Terms signal who belongs within the military “we.”

  • Classification carries structural consequences. Administrative terminology shapes access, recognition, and status.

  • Identity is historically constructed. Labels reflect and reinforce institutional assumptions about gender, authority, and belonging.

  • Informal communication matters. Letters, group chats, humor, and blogs document lived experience within military systems.

  • Changing terminology reflects institutional adaptation. As the military evolves, so does the language used to describe its embedded communities.


Viewing military history through the lived experiences of spouses — and through the terminology that structured their place within the institution — reframes how we understand U.S. wars.


It reveals that the sustainability of American military power has always depended on domestic, social, and emotional infrastructures embedded within the military system itself.



Military Spouse Institutional Actors:

Final thought: Why It Matters

Language does not merely document military life.


It participates in constructing the boundaries of institutional belonging.

It shapes how spouses are positioned within military systems and how their labor is remembered in historical narratives.


If military spouses have functioned as integral institutional actors across eras, then the words used to describe them are not incidental. They are part of the architecture of military power.


By studying that language — formal and informal — we gain a clearer understanding of how American wars have been structured, sustained, and remembered.


And we begin to write a fuller military history — one that recognizes that endurance, mobility, and community-building were not peripheral to military power.


They were part of it.


~Mel


Updated February 2026: Minor stylistic refinements and formatting updates were made for clarity and consistency.

Author’s Note: Originally written in 2023 as part of graduate research in military history.

Further Reading

For readers interested in exploring the institutional, linguistic, and historical foundations behind this post:


Holly A. Mayer, Belonging to the Army: Camp Followers and Community During the American Revolution (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1996).


Continental Congress, Articles of War, September 20, 1776.

Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986).


Mady Wechsler Segal, “The Military and the Family as Greedy Institutions,” Armed Forces & Society 13, no. 1 (Fall 1986).


Donna Alvah, Unofficial Ambassadors: American Military Families Overseas and the Cold War, 1946–1965 (New York: New York University Press, 2007).


John A. Wickham Jr., The Army Family (Washington, DC: Department of the Army, 1983).


This is a small selection of works in this area.

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©2024 Melissa Bauman, Homefront Archives. All original photos, research, and writing are protected by copyright. You’re welcome to share brief excerpts with proper attribution (author, publication, and link), but please don’t reproduce full posts without permission. If you’re citing this work academically, I’d love to know—

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